Russia's Problems With Democracy
When President Ronald Reagan uttered the sound byte, "Mr. Gorbachev, Tear down this wall!" most Americans probably expected that the new Russia would follow humbly in the footsteps of the United States in adapting not only a free market economy but also a liberal democratic system of government. Immediately before and after Gorbachev's dismantling of the Soviet Union, Russia "made dramatic progress toward a democratic order-that is, toward real elections, protections for civil liberties, and a rule of law," (Bjorkman). The end of the Cold War signified a new era in international politics, economics, and diplomacy and the relative successes of former Communist nations in Central and Eastern Europe confirmed the American belief in the salvific powers of liberal democracy. Yet most analysts have come to the unfortunate conclusion that Russia's transition from autocratic Communist state to liberal democracy stagnated years ago. Starting with Yeltsin, Russian leaders and their cohorts have thwarted the installation of institutions and the promotion of values that typify a democratic society such as freedom of the press and due process of law. More recently, President Vladimir Putin's policies have nearly spat in the face
" Dialogue and discussion must be sweetened, however, with both political and economic incentives. At a Fork in the RoadMcFaul criticizes the Bush administration for its ignoring of Russia's problems and Putin's offenses in particular and many analysts claim that the United States has been tiptoeing around the Russia issue. One of the problems with direct democratic assistance is that it entails financial support for the political parties whose stances most resemble those in the United States or at least friendly to American-style democracy and capitalism, at the expense of political parties whose ideas may more closely resemble socialist platforms that have proven to be relatively successful in some European nations. Mendelson states that the Bush administration must "remain engaged" and must also "not abandon the thousands of activists living and working in an increasingly hostile political climate in Russia," (p. However, Solnick notes that in most cases political and economic systems cannot be considered in total isolation from one another. Although Cheney recently lambasted Putin for his energy policies, the Bush administration has generally avoided directly confronting Putin about his continual descent into autocracy, his violation of free press ideals, and his human rights abuses. Because political party development was relatively weak prior to Putin's being elected president in 1999, and because of recent clampdowns on a free press, any whisper of opposition would have gone unnoticed by the large majority of voters who supported Putin and his comrades throughout the past several years. Yet even the Russian legislative posts have been filled by increasing numbers of ex-FSB officers whose political and ideological views collude with those of Putin. Engaging Putin with frankness and honesty may one of the most significant steps forward for international foreign relations. While economists may hail the Russian Federation's potential for growth, political analysts have grown increasingly concerned about Russia's future, the future of the region, and the future of Russia's foreign relations. Galaeva claims that "threats, killings, and unfounded lawsuits are a part of every day life of journalists," (p.
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