Ethnic Residential Segregation The Solidarity of The Group
ETHNIC RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION: THE SOLIDARITY OF THE GROUP The urban metropolis and its function in society cannot be understood without studying its composition as a city of immigrants, their newcomer families and friends and the ties that bind them. By overlooking the ethnic culture and networks of the city's immigrants, the study of the urban centre is at best a futile effort. Ethnic tendencies and particularly ethnic residential segregation, are areas of examination than cannot be neglected if we are to understand the individual and group experiences that ultimately influence urban growth. It is therefore important to carefully explore these areas so that insight into the underpinnings of the urban metropolis is achieved. Looking at Canadian urban centres from 1850-1920, specifically the city of Toronto, I will examine the issue of ethnic residential segregation and its significance to the urban centre. I will attempt to prove that this phenomenon is a consequence of ethnic concentration in particular industries resulting from ethnic networks and socio-economic inequalities present within society. Furthermore, the existence of these vibrant yet segregated ethnic communities does not imply that assimilation i
They initially settled in the Ward because they had little choice. By the 1860's, when this first rail construction boom had faded, the city blossomed into a regionally dominant railway centre with track access throughout the province, into adjoining Montreal, Detroit and New York. The contributions of these networks to the formation of ethnic neighbourhoods are essential to our understanding of the spatial organization of the metropolis. As an urban space divided into many sections, Toronto spoke to each immigrant group in a distinct manner. John's Ward bounded by Henderson, Yonge, Front and University and the Italian neighbourhoods bounded by Henderson, Manning, Dundas and Ossington are just two of the distinct communities that resulted. MacDonald and MacDonald (1964) note that 'chain migration' is instrumental in solidifying spatial patterns established by early immigrants. All in all, by the 1860's, working opportunities in the city could readily urge on its settlement, which consequently began to accelerate rapidly (Harney, 1985). Evidence of this discrimination, quite readily found in Toronto's daily newspaper The Globe (1918) read: "PASSENGERS PROTEST AGAINST FOREIGNERS Passengers on the Toronto Suburban car. However, my main purpose was to illuminate the role of ethnic divisions of labour in creating housing patterns, ethnic networks in solidifying these patterns and, discrimination in perpetuating spatially segregated neighbourhoods. Other Finnish tailors soon followed the pattern established by the Finn, also settling near the tailoring shops on King, in search of prospective work. Examination of this entails an understanding of Toronto's population composition. All foreigners knew, for example, that there was no work for them in government agencies. The Ward, similar to many other areas throughout North America, thus evolved into an immigrant haven adjacent to the central business district.
Common topics in this essay:
Toronto Kinship,
Hydro Commission,
Toronto Suburban,
Jews Toronto,
Looking Canadian,
SEGREGATION SOLIDARITY,
Toronto Furthermore,
MacDonald MacDonald,
North America,
East Asia,
residential segregation,
ethnic residential segregation,
ethnic residential,
harney 1985,
ethnic networks,
ethnic neighbourhood,
lindstrom-best 1979,
occupational skills,
lack assimilation,
kalbach warren,
university toronto,
employment harney 1985,
york oxford university,
st john's ward,
residential segregation significance,
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