None_Provided
It is at this intersection of unconscious goals or plans and habituated responding that the interplay of mindfulness is illuminated. If particular plans and schemata are activated in an overlearned and automated fashion, it is possible for them to become so routinized that they escape periodic reevaluation of their effectiveness and so become mindless response patterns. By contrast, if automatic judgments, activated by nonverbal visual and vocal cues, free cognitive resources to process complex verbal messages (Gilbert, Pelham, & Krull, 1988; Patterson, 1998), such automaticity may enable greater attentiveness and mindfulness to matters of consequence. Moreover, undue attentiveness to scripted or automated communicative actions ironically may undermine effectiveness (Motley, 1992; Patterson, 1998) in part because self-regulation utilizes more cognitive resources (Gilbert, Krull, & Pelham, 1988). Too much attention to them may actually interfere with their smooth functioning. T!hus, a distinction must be made between mindless enactment of scripts or schemata that may have detrimental results versus low levels of automaticity that may be beneficial for effective cognitive functioning. Although persistent routinization of responses
Partner rule violations, including perceived invasions of privacy and excessive verbosity, elicited a mindful response, as did behavior that prompted suspicions about the partner's motives (e. For example, studies of plans for direction giving, persuasive interactions, and requesting dates (Berger, 1988; Berger, Karol, & Jordan, 1989; Berger et al. Whether the source of expectation violations is located in goal failure (Srull & Wyer, 1986), plan failure (Berger, 1995, 1997; Berger, Knowlton, & Abrahams, 1996), or deviations from situationally determined behavioral norms (J. Additionally, communication research has examined social-cognitive phenomena closely related to mindfulness-mindlessness. Encountering an unfamiliar setting or routine, failing to bring about desired goals and subgoals, having completion of a planned course of action thwarted, or projecting that one's intended actions may have adverse effects-all of these circumstances should make interactants more mindful about their own and others' behavior. In fact, most experimental inductions designed to instigate greater mindfulness rely on variants on these kinds of message manipulations and so could be reexamined from the perspective of the communication features that made the mindfulness induction successful. Burgoon & Langer, 1995; Hewes, 1995; Hewes & Graham, 1989; Motley, 1992; Schul & Burnstein, 1998) have identified the following as prompting people to become more thoughtful: (1) novel situations (i. Communication that is planful, effortfully processed, creative, strategic, flexible, and/or reason-based (as opposed to emotion-based) would seem to qualify as mindful, whereas communication that is reactive, superficially processed, routine, rigid, and emotional would fall toward the mindless end of the continuum. In considering the role of mindfulness in addressing social issues, then, we need to specify which features of the communication situation, the communicators themselves, or their messages may naturally prompt greater mindfulness. may eventuate in uncritical, rigidified thought and behavior, communication routines running off at low consciousness levels need not be mindless and in fact may enable greater mindfulness to other matters.
Common topics in this essay:
Schul Burnstein,
Vallacher Wegner,
Berger Kellermann,
Krull Pelham,
,
Berger Bell,
Elicit Mindfulness,
Pelham Krull,
Knowlton Berger,
Cappella Greene,
et al,
1997 berger,
berger et,
goals plans,
et al 1996,
berger et al,
al 1996,
berger 1995 1997,
berger 1997,
own others',
berger 1995,
1995 1997,
cognitive resources,
expectations own others',
1997 berger et,
|