implementation of civic integration legislation is more than just
a simple solution to socioeconomic disparities. Recent convergence of
integration policies for newcomers is the result of organic diffusion of
policy schemes and visions from one country to another (Jacobs and Rea 8,
Green 104). In the 1990's, a shift in political spectrum resulted to
adaptations of legislation concerning immigrants. Naturalization in many
EU countries has drastically increased during the 1990's and the early 21st
century, making foreign nationals less and less representative of the
migrant population (Muenz 18). Until the 1990's, Germany had citizenship
based on jus sanguinis, with high barriers to naturalization. Subsequently,
the barriers were lowered somewhat and, in 2000, a limited degree of jus
soli was introduced. Dual nationality is accepted only in a minority of
The Netherlands has a stronger jus soli component and low
requirements for naturalization until 2003; dual nationality is mostly
condoned. France has a strong jus soli component in its citizenship law and
unconditionally allows dual nationality. However, it has traditionally
imposed cultural requirements for naturalization (Ersanilli and Koopmans
774). Two parameters-one in the realm of ideas, the other in the realm of
institutions-that had shaped immigrant integration in the past changed
since the mid-1990's. The realm of ideas has seen the rise of a new
consensus in favor of new legal immigration, reversing three decades in
which immigration was mostly unwanted. This has elevated the problem of
immigrant integration from a concern of low priority for policymakers to
one of high priority. Beginning in the late 1990's, all West European
countries opened their doors to the economic elite of globalization. Since
the mid-1990's the entire migration function has slowly but steadily come
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