epublics would serve as an example for other areas contemplating secession, and they were experiencing difficulty coming to terms with their shrinking borders. A mere two years after Chechnya made their declaration for independence, President Boris Yeltsin decided he could not let them go. Subsequently, he prescribed a remedy for their suppression which was sending in the troops (Dyer). Apparently Yeltsin made this hasty decision without any consultation with the military, in the absence of parliamentary debate, and with next to no publicity (Roskin 285). These actions would later come back to haunt Yeltsin, as this horrific ethnic war begins to materialize.
             Yeltsin's plan was to enter Chechnya and erase any notion of independence. He promised this would be a quick and painless victory for Russia, taking only a few days. Some were even audacious enough to boast that the attack would amount to a few hours. Of course, no one had any reason to doubt him; after all, Russia still has one of the world's largest armies, "with more soldiers than Chechnya has people" (Dyer). But, ten weeks following their entry into Chechnya, the utterly humiliated and demoralized Russian troops started to realize just how badly they underestimated belligerent Chechnya.
             With a stark 5000 combatants, no official government support, and minimal weaponry, the Chechens managed to stave off the massive numbers of Russian fighters in this "pocket gazavat" or Holy War (Gee). The Chechens lacked any real structure. "They're about as coordinated as a demolition derby, but equally as destructive and resourceful" (Fielding). Regardless of their weaknesses, they used their rugged, mountain terrain to their advantage, and fashioned homemade artillery from whatever materials they could get their hands on. Chechnya absolutely hated even being associated with Russia, mainly because their lifestyles were dramatically different. "They were as far from the soc...