the South, we take exception to this. Historical research offers ample evidence that Key's claims of the centrality of race to electoral politics are broadly applicable to American politics, even though the specific linkage of race to electoral politics has taken different forms in different eras (Hill and Leighley 1996).
             Race has also been linked to various ways to the "system of 1896." Some feel that the "system of 1896" created the fourth party system, set in motion a host of demobilizing forces nationwide, and destroyed the positive linkages of
             ethnic groups to the political parties that existed in the third party system (Burnham 1974).
             According to W. D. Burnham, the significance of race is most evident at
             the state and local levels, because the political system is more likely to reflect the geographic concentration of minority groups there. In addition to, he feels that
             the 20th century demobilization patterns (some occurring in the system of 1896 and others much later) reflect this assertion.
             In elections, predictors are often used to explain turnout. It has been found that for both elections in the 1950's, and for the presidential elections of 1980 and 1992, racial diversity is the most, or one of the most, potent predictors of turnout. Moreover, the effects of racial diversity in the South are stronger in the early periods (1950's), and by the 1990's this difference was nearly eliminated. As a result, despite regional differences in the earlier periods, racial diversity is associated with lower voter turnout nationwide and not just in the Southern states (Hill and Leighley 1996).
             On another note, Wolfinger and Rosenstone document the lower voter turnout among Blacks and Hispanics, but attribute this lower rate of voter turnout to lower educational levels and higher proportions of young and poor among minorities.
             Others are still quick to point out the imp...